MYTHOLOGIES OF THE POKOT TRIBE
The Pokot tribe (also spelled Pökoot) live in West Pokot County and Baringo County in Kenya and in the Pokot District of the eastern Karamoja region in Uganda. They form a section of the Kalenjin ethnic group and speak the Pökoot language, which is broadly similar to the related Marakwet, Nandi, Tuken and other members of the Kalenjin language group. Pokot identity formed in the Kerio Valley perhaps as early as the late 18th and certainly not later than the mid 19th century.[1] It emerged from the assimilation of the Sirkwa era Chok by the Pokotozek section of the Maliri. The number of Pokot speakers in Kenya has been estimated at 783,000 (last Kenyan census carried out in 2009) while the number of Pokot speakers in Uganda is estimated at 130,000.
During the colonial period, the Pokot were called “Suk” by Europeans. To some Pokot, the older designation is a reminder of an era in which Africans lacked the power to name themselves; to others, it represents the clever ruse of a forebear who outwitted powerful strangers by disguising his identity. In the first perspective, “Suk” is an ethnic slur that Europeans borrowed from the Maasai, who denigrated nonpastoral pursuits; the name is said to derive from chok, a short sword or staff used by Pokot cultivators to till the soil. In the second perspective, a Pokot elder, when questioned by Europeans, referred to himself as “Musuk,” a term for the nearby tree stumps; his reply is said to exemplify ingenuity and cunning, two highly valued but morally ambiguous traits. The Pokot are a Kalenjin-speaking people whose language (ng’ala Pokot, “tongue or language of Pokot”) incorporates words from the neighboring Karamojong and Turkana. The term “Kalenjin” dates from World War II; it is a self-chosen label that has replaced various colloquial, scholarly, and administrative designations, including “Nandi-speaking peoples,” “Nilo-Hamites,” “Southern N ilotes,” and “Paranilotes.” The Kalenjin consist of eight principal groups: the Keiyo, Kipsigis, Marakwet, Nandi, Pokot, Saboat, Terik, and Tugen.
The Pokot people (commonly spelled Pökoot, live in the West Pokot District and Baringo District of Kenya and in Pokot District of eastern Karamoja region in Uganda. They speak Pökoot, language of the Southern Nilotic language family which is close to the Marakwet, Nandi, Tuken and other members of the Kalanjen grouping. Kenya’s 2009 census puts the total number of Pokot speakers at about 620,000 in Kenya. In addition, there are close to 100,000 Pokot speakers in Uganda. According to the census, there were 133,000 Pokot speakers in Baringo county and close to 500,000 in West Pokot county. A fair estimate indicates that there are close to 700,000 Pokot speakers in Kenya and Uganda. Based on areal and cultural differences, the Pokot people can be divided into two groups: the Hill Pökot and the Plains Pokot.
The Pokot people live in West Pokot County and Baringo County in Kenya and in the Pokot District of the eastern Karamoja region in Uganda. They form a section of the Kalenjin ethnic group and speak the Pökoot language, which is broadly similar to the related Marakwet, Nandi, Tuken and other members of the Kalenjin language group. Pokot identity formed in the Kerio Valley perhaps as early as the late 18th and certainly not later than the mid 19th century. About one quarter of Pokot peoples are cultivators (“corn people”), while the remaining are pastoralists (“cow people”). Among both groups, however, wealth is measured by the number of cows one owns. Cows are used for barter, exchange, and most significantly as a form of bride wealth. A man is permitted to marry more than one woman, as long as he has sufficient number of cows to offer to her family in exchange. This is the primary way for wealth and resources to change hands in Pokot society. Cows are rarely slaughtered for meat because they are much more valuable alive. They provide milk, butter, and cheese, which provide an important component of Pokot dietary needs.
During the colonial period, the Pokot were called “Suk” by Europeans. To some Pokot, the older designation is a reminder of an era in which Africans lacked the power to name themselves; to others, it represents the clever ruse of a forebear who outwitted powerful strangers by disguising his identity. In the first perspective, “Suk” is an ethnic slur that Europeans borrowed from the Maasai, who denigrated nonpastoral pursuits; the name is said to derive from chok, a short sword or staff used by Pokot cultivators to till the soil. In the second perspective, a Pokot elder, when questioned by Europeans, referred to himself as “Musuk,” a term for the nearby tree stumps; his reply is said to exemplify ingenuity and cunning, two highly valued but morally ambiguous traits. The Pokot are a Kalenjin-speaking people whose language (ng’ala Pokot, “tongue or language of Pokot”) incorporates words from the neighboring Karamojong and Turkana. The term “Kalenjin” dates from World War II; it is a self-chosen label that has replaced various colloquial, scholarly, and administrative designations, including “Nandi-speaking peoples,” “Nilo-Hamites,” “Southern Nilotes,” and “Paranilotes.” The Kalenjin consist of eight principal groups: the Keiyo, Kipsigis, Marakwet, Nandi, Pokot, Saboat, Terik, and Tugen.
The Pokot people are categorized under the larger Kalenjin tribes in Kenya grouped together because of their similarities in culture and dialect. The highland Nilotic speakers have oral traditions of a similar origin. The Pokot language, however, poses monumental difficulty in communication with the rest of the Kalenjin speaking group. The Pokot community, therefore, stands as the first born of the Kalenjin speaking group based on the understanding that it is the owner of the dialect. The Pokot people live in Baringo, Laikipia, Samburu and West Pokot Counties and also in the Eastern Karamoja region of Uganda. Those in Baringo County occupy two sub counties, namely Tiaty East and Tiaty West in Tiaty Constituency. Culturally, the Pokot community practiced and still embraces today certain cultural practices because of their importance in the community. However, some of the practices have been influenced by the changes in the society that if not checked, may disappear. The community is aware of the important role culture plays in the upbringing and shaping of the future generations. The heritage and culture of the Pokot community continues to fascinate and inspire.
The Pokot tribe is located along the border of western Kenya and Uganda, with a population of over 913,000. We work among the very remote villages located in North Pokot. Once you leave the few dirt roads that do exist and venture deep into the bush, you find many people who have never heard of the name of Jesus. The people have no medicine or schools; they cannot even read their own language. Many die at a very early age due to the many diseases and lack of nutrition. The average life expectancy is around the age of 40. In many places when someone dies, they are not even buried, but the bodies are thrown deep into the bush. Food is scarce and life is hard!
The Pokot are a sub-community of the Kalenjin. They speak the Pokoot language. Key personalities from the community in recent times include the renowned athlete Tegla Loroupe, founder of the Tegla Loroupe Peace Foundation, who in 2012 appeared in the African top 100 personalities of the year. The Pokot are part of the Kalenjin community who are highland Nilotes originating from southern Ethiopia. They migrated southward into Kenya as early as 2,000 years ago. The Pokot are economically divided into two groups: pastoral Pokot and agricultural Pokot. The Pokot community traditionally believed the world had two realms, the below and the above. The realm below was the abode of vegetation, people and other creatures. The realm above was the abode of the deities: Tororot, lat (rain) and Asis (sun). The two Pokot groups have similar social and political organizational structures. Pokot men are traditionally divided into three groupings; Karachona (boys), Muren (circumcised men) and Poi (old men). Governance in the Pokot community involves age sets and associations. Boys would join an age set once circumcised.
The history of the Pokot tribe is difficult to sketch. Linguistically, they seem to be related to numerous peoples who live in the region with ties to both the Nilo-Hamitic peoples who come from the north and to Bantu peoples who come from central Africa. For purposes of the Kenyan census Pokot are placed in the Kalenjin group, which consists of many diverse groups of people who share Nilo-Hamitic ancestry and history. There are two main subgroups among Pokot. The nomadic way of life that most Pokot live has allowed them to come into contact with numerous different peoples throughout history. This interaction has allowed them to incorporate social customs that in some circumstances included marriage with other communities. Many specific Pokot customs seemed to be borrowed from their Turkana and Karamojong neighbors. About one quarter of Pokot tribal people are cultivators (“corn people”), while the remaining are pastoralists (“cow people”). Among both groups, however, wealth is measured by the number of cows one owns. Cows are used for barter, exchange, and most significantly as a form of bride wealth. A man is permitted to marry more than one woman, as long as he has sufficient number of cows to offer to her family in exchange. This is the primary way for wealth and resources to change hands in Pokot society. Cows are rarely slaughtered for meat because they are much more valuable alive. They provide milk, butter, and cheese, which provide an important component of Pokot dietary needs.
The Pokot, who inhabit an area in Western Kenya and Uganda, base their society on the extended family and the clans. Men dominate the decision-making processes within the society, and a council of elders is responsible for maintenance of law and order, security, social disputes, ceremonies, and decisions regarding agriculture and livestock. The Pokot are polygamous, with the number of wives in proportion to a man’s wealth. This practice is viewed as a means of maximizing the productive and reproductive capacity of the society. Diseases are seen as related either to some natural phenomenon (e.g., certain mists) or some supernatural power (shadows of dead people). The force of the psyche as a determinant of disease is stressed, and ceremonial cursing in particular is thought to have the power to induce symptomatic illness and even death. Some of these beliefs have the effect of enhancing health and welfare. For example, the belief that the shadow of a woman whose child has just died is dangerous may serve to reduce the spread of infectious diseases. There are several categories of medical practitioners in Pokot society: chepsaketian, an older woman skilled in the diagnosis of most diseases and the use of herbal remedies; koroyokyon, a specialist trained to foretell the future; kokeogh, the midwife; werkoyon, a prophet who receives his powers by inheritance and is a key figure in the prevention and containment of diseases; chepsokoyon, a female diviner concerned with the problem of witchcraft; and kapolokion, a specialist believed to manipulate forces that cause mental imbalance. In recent years, especially since the 1983 completion of a tarmac road through the district, there has been an erosion of traditional practices. This has been accompanied by changing patterns of existing diseases as well as the introduction of diseases that were previously absent from the region.
Kenya’s Pokot people have evolved a range of traditions related to maternal and child health, all of which are intended to optimize the community’s survival. While many of these customs succeed in enhancing health and welfare, others actually contribute to morbidity and mortality. A pregnant Pokot woman is regarded as vulnerable to disease and witchcraft, so there are numerous dietary taboos that contribute to a high incidence of low birthweight. At least 1 experienced midwife resides in each neighborhood. Most complications of labor are viewed as a reflection of something the mother has done (e.g., adultery), so there is little intervention. Customs for the postpartum period are concerned with ensuring that the mother is able to devote all her time and energy to caring for her newborn, thereby optimizing the infant’s chances of survival. Customs related to the resumption of conjugal sexual relations after delivery reflect an awareness of the importance of spacing births to allow adequate weaning. Breastfeeding is continued until the child is old enough to go to a neighbor on an errand or the mother becomes pregnant. The median age at which breastfeeding is discontinued is 26 months. From the beginning, the newborn is given diluted cow’s or goat’s milk in addition. The median age for starting food supplementation is 8 months. The major problems at present seem to be inadequate management of complications of labor and the high rate of malnutrition among Pokot children. Attempts should be made to work more closely with traditional midwives, enabling them to develop their already considerable skills, and to implement a method of screening and referring mothers who are likely to have high-risk pregnancies. Malnutrition seems to be increasing as a result of development and the consequent erosion of traditional practices. Pokot society has been influenced by new opportunities in the economic, educational, and social spheres, especially since the introduction of a tarmac road through the district in 1983. Women are increasingly working outside the home and alcohol abuse is a major community problem, both of which have contributed to child neglect.
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